検索キーワード： イデオロギー・信条

Liberal y liberalismo son palabras que se usan con demasiada frecuencia y poca precisión en la prensa y en los debates políticos contemporáneos. En este libro, Federico Reyes Heroles se pregunta qué es ser liberal, fuera de partidos y coyunturas. Y para contestar esta pregunta, más que volver a contar cronológica o escolarmente la historia del liberalismo, ofrece guías de razonamiento, preguntas clave: ¿es el liberalismo una ideología o una escuela de pensamiento? En la geometría política de derecha e izquierda, ¿dónde se sitúa el liberal?

Questo volume traccia la parabola dell'Urss dalle origini fino al suo trionfo sul nazismo. Attingendo alla documentazione resasi disponibile dopo il collasso dell'Urss e alle ricerche condotte su di essa, l'autore ha potuto operare una ricostruzione nuova, e diversamente credibile, di una storia che ha affascinato e impaurito il XX secolo.

In this ambitious work, Cedric Robinson demonstrates that efforts to understand Black people's history of resistance solely through the prism of Marxist theory are incomplete and inaccurate. Marxist analyses tend to presuppose European models of history and experience that downplay the significance of Black people and Black communities as agents of change and resistance. Black radicalism, Robinson argues, must be linked to the traditions of Africa and the unique experiences of Blacks on Western continents, and any analyses of African American history need to acknowledge this.

Plädoyer für eine gehirngerechte Politik. Wutbürger, Populismus und Protest: Viele Menschen haben das Gefühl, dass "die da oben" sie nicht ernst nehmen. Doch welche Ursachen liegen diesem weit verbreiteten Empfinden zugrunde? Und was müssen wir konkret tun, um unsere Gesellschaft wieder auf Spur zu bringen? Diese Fragen beantwortet der bekannte Psychiater und Autor Hans-Otto Thomashoff, indem er die Erkenntnisse der Neurowissenschaften mit der politischen Praxis verknüpft.

Il fascismo pretese di erigere un nuovo Stato, ma riutilizzò abbondantemente in chiave fascista elementi e residui dello Stato liberale. Autoritario e dittatoriale, concentrò il potere pubblico, ma accettò anche la sua pluralizzazione. Eliminò libere elezioni, creò un surrogato della rappresentanza politica, si valse di organizzazioni satelliti, ma ricorse ad amministrazioni parallele per gestire la crisi economica.

An examination of how America’s colleges have become an intellectual hell on Earth for anyone who wishes to think rationally and seek truth and wisdom, as well as a plan for how young citizens can claim and safeguard the learning and heritage to which they are entitled.

The majority of Americans are far closer in values than the ideological opinion-shapers lead us to believe. This book asks how we can restore the civic unity that our political elites have worked for years to dismantle.

Glen Beck, the number-one New York Times best-selling author and popular radio and television host, revisits Thomas Paine's Common Sense with one purpose: to galvanize Americans to see past government's easy solutions, two-part monopoly, and illogical methods, and take back our great country.

Hailed as "dazzlingly insightful and wonderfully sardonic" (Chicago Tribune), "very funny and very painful" (San Francisco Chronicle), and "in a different league from most political books" (The New York Observer), What's the Matter with Kansas? unravels the great political mystery of our day: Why do so many Americans vote against their economic and social interests? With his acclaimed wit and acuity, Thomas Frank answers the riddle by examining his home state, Kansas.

From massive government spending to media declarations of the death of capitalism, Glenn Beck hears the sounds of boots marching America toward a system of government that bears a closer resemblance to socialism with each passing day. To document this, he focuses on stories that range from the headlines to more obscure local stories that might otherwise be overlooked.

La historia del comunismo transcurre entre la revolución y la utopía, entre la violencia y lo criminal. A lo largo de los tiempos, en cualquier lugar donde se haya impuesto o haya tratado de imponerse un régimen de estas características, se han cometido multitud de crímenes, algunos especialmente aberrantes como los de las tiranías de Stalin, Mao o Pol Pot.

This is volume two—what Henry George called "the Solution to the Problem". This landmark treatise by the great economist Henry George was first published in 1879. George's work became the seminal analysis of the political economy which inspired most, if not all, the prominent thinkers of the Progressive Movement and many others of great influence: Upton Sinclair, John Dewey, George Bernard Shaw, Friedrich Hayek, H. G. Wells, Clarence Darrow, and Leo Tolstoy, to name but a few. His analyses and proposals are referred to as "Georgism".

Men with assault rifles, balaclavas, and Hawaiian shirts pulled over bulletproof vests. Horned warriors with painted faces and fur headdresses draped over their naked torsos. The storming of the Capitol brought together men who had previously come across one another only online in the Manosphere. These were men with a common interest, followers of a male-supremacist ideology, who rioted in order to fight for their privilege.

Capitalism has blessed the world with wealth and technological miracles. It has also cursed it with urban slums, powerless workers, and the vicious boom-and-bust economy. If only there were some way to fix the problems of capitalism and keep all its benefits. In 1897, Henry George published his solution to this puzzle, Progress and Poverty. He suggested that, unlike all other taxes, a tax on land doesn't discourage entrepreneurship. A single tax on land can raise the revenues we need to help the poor without destroying the incentive to create wealth.

Public opinion polling is the ultimate democratic process; it gives every person an equal voice in letting elected leaders know what they need and want. But in the eyes of the public, polls today are tarnished. Recent election forecasts have routinely missed the mark and media coverage of polls has focused solely on predicting winners and losers. In Strength in Numbers, data journalist G. Elliott Morris argues that the larger purpose of political polls is to improve democracy, not just predict elections.

In 1991, the smoldering ruins of Saddam Hussein’s regime testified to America’s unchallenged might. Having defeated one of the world’s largest armies in a matter of days, the United States looked forward to a new century of peace and prosperity. Thirty years later, a ragtag Taliban chased us out of Afghanistan in a humiliating rout. At home, our cities are cesspools of homelessness and crime. The former land of opportunity seems to be in irreversible decline.

In 1955, Katharine Clark, the first American woman wire reporter behind the Iron Curtain, saw something none of her male colleagues did. What followed became one of the most unusual adventure stories of the Cold War. While on assignment in Belgrade, Yugoslavia, Clark befriended a man who, by many definitions, was her enemy. But she saw something in Milovan Djilas, a high-ranking Communist leader who dared to question the ideology he helped establish, that made her want to work with him. It became the assignment of her life.

Liberalism puts its trust in civil discourse and rational argument. Today, its opponents enthusiastically flout these norms, making a show of defying so-called political correctness. In the Trump era and beyond, right-wing figures delight in sheer offensiveness. What is at stake in breaking the rules of civility to "own the libs"?

Most citizens are well aware that the world is run rather badly by those in power—the politicians—who are in many cases democratically elected. Time and time again democracy fails to protect the ordinary citizen and exhibits dangerous and damaging flaws. Yet, it is often held up as the model of how best to govern. This pamphlet presents arguments that highlight exactly why democracy just isn’t very good and is no more than the best of a bad bunch of options. However, this pamphlet also contains hope. It expresses the belief that there is a vastly better way to run the world.

Die Rechte und die autoritären Aspirationen mancher Politiker und Regierenden machen uns wieder Angst—die Geschichte darf sich doch nicht wiederholen. Die Linken müssen sich neu aufstellen, müssen kämpfen, damit es in unseren globalisierten Gesellschaften ein Gleichgewicht der verschiedenen Kräfte und Denkweisen gibt. Dabei dürfen sie ihre Wurzeln nicht vergessen—erwachsen aus der Dialektik der Aufklärung besitzen die Linken die stärkste Waffe, die sie progressiv einsetzen können: die Utopie. Nur mit einer Utopie im Gepäck kann die Linke getrost in die Zukunft schauen.